What did the red smear in the cartoon symbolize


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What did the red smear in the cartoon symbolize

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Summer 2022

Editor's note: This is the tenth of an chapter profile of Sen. John McCain, portions of which originally were published in October and March It has been updated and expanded. John McCain, decorated former prisoner of war, U.

Modeling himself on President Theodore Roosevelt, his political idol, McCain was aiming his anti-establishment road show at the White House. He tailored his message to appeal not only to Republicans but also Democrats and independents — a new, even brazen strategy that would bank heavily on states that hosted GOP primaries that were open to other registered voters.

A Feb. Texas Gov. George W. Bush, the former president's son, already was the clear GOP front-runner when McCain entered the race. Vice President Al Gore and former Sen. McCain knew that his war record was not enough to win the presidency. But it couldn't hurt. Since George Washington, Americans have embraced war heroes as their presidents.

His story appealed to many people. McCain looked down. His military experience did give him an edge over a generation of draft dodgers and National Guardsmen, those who avoided the war that had cost McCain so dearly. After all, McCain had denied the North Vietnamese a propaganda victory by turning down an early release, offered because his father was an admiral.

It was McCain who had rotted in prison and was beaten nearly to death while others avoided Vietnam. Grady was correct that McCain never would be so ostentatious, but he did lean on his military record throughout the race. You use what you can use. He would say that he was not a hero but served in the company of heroes. In a speech before the state Veterans of Foreign Wars convention in New Hampshire in the late s, McCain recalled the tale of Mike Christian, a fellow POW who used red and white cloth to sew an American flag inside his prison uniform.

One day, the North Vietnamese guards found the flag. They took Christian from the cell and beat him severely. When he was returned, his ribs were broken and his face badly bruised. The other POWs cleaned up Christian the best they could. Later that night, as McCain struggled to sleep on the concrete slab that was his bed, he looked over into the corner of the room.

McCain's recollections of his war experience did not always draw a positive response. His continued use of the derogatory term "gook" to describe his North Vietnamese captors earned him criticism in the media and in parts of the country with significant Vietnamese populations, such as Orange County, California.

McCain quickly learned that the punches fly faster and harder in presidential politics. Before he finished his weeklong national announcement tour, he came under attack in Arizona. A front-page headline from the Sept. Just one day after McCain entered the race, Bush dropped by to pick up the endorsement of not only Republican Gov. Jane Hull, at that time one of the state's most popular politicians, but also former Congressman John Rhodes, McCain's House predecessor, who had served as the chamber's GOP leader in the s.

The Bush goal clearly was to humiliate McCain in the Feb. Bush also would pick up the support of former Republican Attorney General Grant Woods, a former McCain aide who later fell out with him.

They later reconciled. McCain returned to Arizona later in the week for a campaign rally at Hayden Square Amphitheater in downtown Tempe and shrugged off suggestions that Bush was the state's front-runner. In a front-page New York Times story published Oct. Hull explained in an interview this week how she reacted to Mr.

McCain's occasional eruptions at her," Times reporter Richard Berke wrote. Throughout his political career, McCain faced similar questions. The late Phoenix Gazette political columnist John Kolbe cited McCain's "temper" as a potential liability as far back as By , McCain had amassed a record of run-ins with several Arizona and Capitol Hill politicians eager to tell their stories.

In his memoir "Worth the Fighting For," McCain acknowledged that "my temper has become one of my most frequently discussed attributes. But like most legends, it is exaggerated far beyond reality. As for Hull's claims in the New York Times story, McCain flatly denied ever trying to retaliate against Collins for any slight or offense.

At a news conference in Phoenix, McCain suggested the Times story was planted by the Bush campaign: "I think it's pretty obvious, as we've closed in the polls — we're up to within 12 points of Gov.

Whatever its origins, the Times story prompted widespread media scrutiny of McCain's personality. The Republic quickly weighed in with a stinging Sunday editorial that concluded there is "reason to seriously question whether McCain has the temperament, and the political approach and skills, we want in the next president of the United States. It demeans Hull as an independent political actor and pretty well validates rather than refutes her description of their relationship and his treatment of her.

The Republic's rebuke of McCain also attracted national attention. The national media scrutinized not only the editorial but also McCain's long-term relationship with the newspaper. On ABC's "Good Morning America," McCain called the editorial part of a Republic "vendetta" dating at least to , when the paper published a controversial cartoon by Pulitzer Prize-winner Steve Benson about McCain's wife's drug addiction and McCain's decision to stop cooperating with the paper's news staff.

Fred Thompson, R-Tenn. Former Sen. Warren Rudman, R-N. Keven Ann Willey, then The Republic's editorial page editor, found herself in the national spotlight, defending the editorial and the by-then 5-year-old Benson cartoon. She wrote a column to correct the "inaccuracies and misinformation" that she believed contaminated the national TV coverage of "what most Arizonans consider to be an old issue.

Willey noted that The Republic had endorsed McCain every time he sought political office and defended the Benson drawing as "hard-hitting but hardly unfair. Walter Mears, a veteran Associated Press journalist, used the McCain debate to point out that temperament issues are common to presidential hopefuls. Richard M. Nixon raged on the White House tapes. Even the affable George McGovern got fed up near the end of the campaign when he told a heckling woman to kiss his rear end, although he didn't put it so politely.

The Republic eventually would decline to endorse either candidate in the Arizona primary: "Neither McCain nor Bush has yet persuaded us that he is a clearly superior choice to be the Republican nominee," the newspaper editorial said.

McCain's tougher-than-expected resistance in Arizona was offset with a better-than-anticipated reception elsewhere. From the beginning, his presidential effort was an uphill struggle. To seek the Republican nomination while running against the GOP establishment and appealing to centrists, independents and even Democrats was, to say the least, an unusual strategy.

Bush was the guy to beat from Day 1. He had the money and the organization. Millionaire magazine publisher Steve Forbes and former ambassador Alan Keyes also were pursuing the Republican nod. We decided or, more accurately, we resigned ourselves to running a campaign that would test many of the conventions of previously successful presidential campaigns. Besides, McCain felt that as the dark horse, he would have more leeway to speak his mind on the campaign trail without worrying about the political ramifications of every syllable.

The first risk: McCain for the most part ignored Iowa, host of the first caucuses. He wanted to focus on the next week's New Hampshire primary, which was open to independents and Democrats as well as Republicans. As a foe of ethanol subsidies, McCain likely would have met a lot of opposition in Iowa.

Short on cash, McCain knew from experience that free media coverage could help spread his reform message to make up for his lack of paid advertising. He filled his campaign bus with reporters and named it the Straight Talk Express. The bus would symbolize McCain's insurgent bid and become one of the best-known icons of turn-of-the-century politics. That invitation of unprecedented access often did not extend to The Republic. Although Bush was a governor, he was the son of a former president.

That allowed McCain, a nearly year Capitol Hill veteran, to tag Bush as the Washington insider and cast himself as the outsider. On Feb. The Straight Talk Express was on a roll as it headed toward South Carolina, where Bush had been comfortably leading in the approaching Feb.

Bush's New Hampshire thrashing immediately tightened the polls. To many Republicans, McCain's presidential candidacy had started as little more than a novelty. Now it had become a threat. Unlike in New Hampshire, where Republicans are known for a feisty, libertarian streak, social conservatives have a lot of clout in South Carolina.

Most Religious Right organizations actively opposed McCain's campaign-finance reform efforts. Americans for Tax Reform, the National Rifle Association, a variety of anti-abortion groups and other special-interest organizations with axes to grind against McCain showed up in South Carolina to stop his momentum. And the candidate's support for higher tobacco taxes rankled others in the region.

Besides that, Bush's New Hampshire shellacking forced his reeling strategists to retool their message. Borrowing from McCain's act, the "compassionate conservative" Bush was reborn as the "reformer with results. Bush's mother, complained to The Republic that the media were treating McCain like "sort of a star figure" and buying his campaign's "baloney" that her son was the establishment candidate.

Back in South Carolina, the Bush campaign went negative, slamming McCain hard on taxes and veterans issues. The Bush campaign's use of a marginal veterans-rights activist named J. Five senators who fought in Vietnam, led by Sen. John Kerry, D-Mass.


What did the Red Scare do?

In the case of Dorothy, her ruby red slippers—imbued with an immense power that made them ferociously sought after by the Wicked Witch of the West —eventually take her home with a simple click of her heels. The slippers have a contentious history. By Prabal Sharma. By Hasina Khatib.

I did. Even though I didn't see the film again until I was an adult, The climax almost looks like a satire and is even more hokey than the red scare.

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Editor's note: This is the tenth of an chapter profile of Sen. John McCain, portions of which originally were published in October and March It has been updated and expanded. John McCain, decorated former prisoner of war, U. Modeling himself on President Theodore Roosevelt, his political idol, McCain was aiming his anti-establishment road show at the White House. He tailored his message to appeal not only to Republicans but also Democrats and independents — a new, even brazen strategy that would bank heavily on states that hosted GOP primaries that were open to other registered voters. A Feb. Texas Gov. George W. Bush, the former president's son, already was the clear GOP front-runner when McCain entered the race.

Cold-War Propaganda in the 1950s

what did the red smear in the cartoon symbolize

John Suler's The Psychology of Cyberspace. NOTE: if you plan to save and later read this article off-line, I recommend that you also save the graphics that are located on subsection pages linked to this article you might consider downloading the entire Psychology of Cyberspace hypertext book. A list of the subsection pages also appears at the end of this article. The graphics are not necessary to understand the article, but they definitely enhance it.

This is a preview of subscription content, access via your institution. Gary D.

Icarus Wing

More often than WILFilm ApS , WildBrain uses the "smear frame" animation technique, in which a character is stretched out to give the illusion of motion blur see examples below. Vlad Tutu is an example of a character who always appears stretched out when moving. A similar technique is also often used, in which weapons bend unnaturally. The textures and lines of Jay , Nya , and Lloyd 's hair. Compared to WILFilm, WildBrain tends to use flatter colors and less shading, as well as more cartoonish elements to things such as exaggerating the Spinjitzu tornadoes and the movement of the characters as a whole.

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Sign In. Storm Center Hide Spoilers. The premise is excellent -a librarian, Mrs. Hull Davis refuses to remove a book about Communism from the library.

The Supreme Court did not dispute the findings, but decided that a capital Oliver Burkeman, New York Post in Racism Row Over Chimpanzee Cartoon.

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A Red Scare is the promotion of a widespread fear of a potential rise of communism, anarchism or other leftist ideologies by a society or state. It is often characterized as political propaganda. What did the red smear in the cartoon symbolize?

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This paper offers an analysis of the character animation in Tangled to develop a deeper understanding of how Disney has approached the extension of their traditional aesthetic into the CG medium. It should be noted that frame counts used in this paper will vary from the original production. This being an unfortunate by-product of the digital encoding for DVD release and subsequent re-encoding and manipulation to allow me to step through the film frame-by-frame. This is not a major concern for this analysis as the frame count is used to simply highlight the variation in timing for the character movement as it appears on screen and not intended to be an accurate record of the exact frame count used by the animator during production. A single drop of sunlight falls from the heavens and from it grows a magical golden flower. An old woman, Mother Gothel, learns of the magical properties of the flower and for centuries uses its power to retain her youth.

Black and red. In western culture, these are the two most sinister colors, as red typically conveys the meaning of blood or anger , and black is that of darkness or death.

John McCain's 2000 presidential run saw challenges, 'ugly' politics

Tolkien 's novel The Hobbit , his treasure and the mountain he lives in being the goal of the quest. Powerful and fearsome, he invaded the Dwarf kingdom of Erebor years prior to the events described in the novel. A group of thirteen dwarves mounted a quest to take the kingdom back, aided by the wizard Gandalf and the hobbit Bilbo Baggins. In The Hobbit , Thorin describes Smaug as "a most specially greedy, strong and wicked worm ". Critics have identified close parallels with what they presume are sources of Tolkien's inspiration, including the dragon in Beowulf , who is provoked by the stealing of a precious cup, and the speaking dragon Fafnir , who proposes a betrayal to Sigurd.

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History , What did the Red Smear in the cartoon symbolize? Answers: 3. The correct answer was given: dylannhandy.

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