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This comes on the heels of similar announcements by streaming giants like Netflix and Youtube Originals, indicating a demand for representation and homegrown narratives among African audiences amidst a global market boom for animated content. It will include stories by creators from six African countries. When she and her two best friends put on their magical crystal headbands they become superheroes ready to defend their community. Animation has also become a tool for preserving endangered African languages.
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In August of , the deposed Zulu monarch Cetshwayo kaMpande arrived in London to plead for the restoration of his kingdom, from which he had been deposed following the Anglo-Zulu War of This article focuses on the depictions of Cetshwayo in the metropolitan press during his momentous visit. The outbreak of the Anglo-Zulu War thrust the Zulu people and their king, Cetshwayo kaMpande, to the forefront of British public attention, particularly after the disastrous defeat of imperial troops at Isandhlwana in January of Yet the news of Isandhlwana represented a significant increase in metropolitan press coverage of the peoples of the Zulu kingdom.
However, with the arrival of Sir Garnet Wolseley in August and the end of hostilities following the capture of Ulundi in July of , British press depictions of Cetshwayo began to shift. No longer was he described predominantly as a destructive and capricious despot. Following his capture in September and exile in the Cape Colony , Cetshwayo became a source of continuous debate about the limits of both colonial settlement and imperial hegemony.
The frequently prescient satirical periodical Funny Folks described the rapid shift in press coverage following Ulundi in a note just a month after the end of the war:. Following the close of the war, Cetshwayo ceased to be the threatening barbarian that stood ready to despoil Natal at least to metropolitan eyes—for the majority of settlers in Natal , Cetshwayo represented ever-present threats of colonial ruin for the rest of his life.
This new, pro-Cetshwayo argument would instead advocate for the restoration of the monarch, offering a vision of colonialism in Natal and the British Empire more widely that rested upon notions of justice, fair play, and hierarchical order. This, of course, would be utterly inimical to the coalition of settlers, colonial officials, and other interested parties that were invested in the Ulundi Settlement struck by Wolseley in These depictions would be more starkly drawn as Cetshwayo was finally granted his audience to visit London in August of This article focuses on the momentous August visit of Cetshwayo kaMpande r.
These depictions used larger discourses of race and gender, particularly in discussing the fate of the British colony of Natal after the Anglo- Zulu War of These discourses, which circulated between the metropole and the colony, in turn shaped the political landscape in both places, and led to significant changes for settlers and indigenous peoples alike. When Cetshwayo kaMpande first set foot in London in August , he stepped into broader discussions about empire, race, and masculinity.
While Cetshwayo and his supporters worked through the larger circulations of print media to return the king to power, and settlers on the ground worked to thwart this result, the stakes for Cetshwayo and his visit were about more than a restored kingdom. Rather, the circulations of Cetshwayo kaMpande—both in print and in person—between the metropole, Natal , and Zululand reveal that the failures of colonial hegemony did not occur simply in local colonial space but, rather, through the implementation of print technology, across discursive networks, and in the very heart of the empire itself.
As a prevailing and increasingly accessible technology of information, newspapers and periodicals in late nineteenth-century Britain provide an invaluable window into the multilayered realities of imperial rule and colonial thought. Large numbers of people in the late nineteenth-century metropole read popular texts, and the depictions within them subsequently spread considerably, creating a powerful discursive web that responded to current events and shaped national reactions to them—both on a personal and a political level.
For centuries, newspapers and periodicals had offered a variety of information to a privileged readership in the British Isles, but access was not readily available for a significant percentage of the population prior to the nineteenth century. The broadening of the franchise in coincided with the gradual decreasing of taxes and subsidies on print and periodicals. By , newspaper taxes and paper duties had finally been removed, and the costs of printed material plummeted within Britain Altick.
By all accounts, the circulation of materials throughout the latter half of the nineteenth century is impressive, and indicative of a growing reading public. Most major London newspapers could claim anywhere between 50, and , readers in regular circulation by the s, and other industrial centers like Manchester could boast at least a quarter million readers in regular circulation Altick — The nineteenth-century periodical in Britain provides a particularly useful opportunity for understanding how everyday Britons saw the empire that surrounded them.
While it is difficult to determine exactly how the individual British reader interpreted the news that appeared before him or her in the metropole, it is possible to observe broad trends in the information disseminated in the imperial press that these men and women would have read. Newspapers and periodicals were where that very imagining occurred. Indeed, as countless British periodical references throughout the century can attest, empire was everywhere, but the empire became a site of intense argument, contention, and debate throughout the latter half of the century.
He arrived on Thursday, 3 August , and was accompanied by a flotilla of British reporters, eager to spread information on the Zulu monarch to a metropolitan readership. Papers dutifully reported that Cetshwayo had travelled with servants, a doctor, and an interpreter, noting that no women accompanied him.
Immediately after disembarking, Cetshwayo was treated to a circle of cheers from admiring visitors, who wished to welcome the potentate to the metropole. The newspapers also reported on particular exchanges that Cetshwayo had with his fellow travelers upon leaving:. In his demeanour Cetywayo is most gentle, utterly belying the popular conception which pictures him as a rude and turbulent savage. Cetshwayo was thus rendered as a gracious and friendly king, whose royal demeanor challenged the legitimacy of the British conquest of his kingdom.
Thus, to depict Cetshwayo positively as a gracious, engaging, friendly monarch offered a conception of British imperialism that demanded a self-representation as a just and respectable society.
Cetshwayo was certainly aware of the power of the press and its ability to shape imperial discourse. Reports on his visit reveal that the king focused on particular questions that were likely to enhance his cause in the metropole, and demonstrated an astute knowledge of his coverage in the metropolitan press Anderson While Cetshwayo demonstrated an understanding of the press as a means of pursuing his own claims to restored sovereignty, he did not manage to sway all reporters.
Cetywayo has duly reached England, and already we hear that the usual deplorable but seemingly inevitable lionising has begun. While Cetshwayo could and did court public opinion in pursuit of his cause, not all reporters were convinced by his display. As the king toured the major centers of British power in London, citizens took to the newspapers on his behalf Parsons — Sir,—The presence of Cetywayo in England is calculated not only to excite pity for fallen greatness, but to arouse the conscience of the nation in regard to our dealings with his sable Majesty, whose prolonged captivity cannot be justified either religiously or morally.
Sir W. Erle, an earnest patriot in Charles I. Let us place our hands upon our hearts, with the sincere desire to ascertain this. In point of fact, the waging war with the Zulu s, partitioning their country, and keeping their King as a prisoner of war are three wrong things we have done. Therefore, prompt reparation ought to be made to Cetywayo by restoring him to his longing subjects, and then doubtless he will enjoy his own again.
White, S. In the letter, Cetshwayo became something of a cipher for the larger question of the justice of British imperial rule; if the king continues to be held, against morals and proper custom, the question of British justice, and the rhetorical underpinnings of colonial domination become visible.
As a result, Cetshwayo presented a challenge to the nature of imperial rule, but one that could easily be resolved, particularly in light of more pressing global matters:. Moreover, sound policy also requires the conciliation of the Zulus by the restoration of their King, because our hands just now are quite full with the affairs of Ireland and the Egyptian imbroglio, which makes it necessary that we should steer quite clear of another African war.
Lastly it would be wise at once to concede to the claims of justice what otherwise might be ungraciously extorted under a pressure which it would be highly inconvenient to attempt to resist.
Recognizing the moral claim of Cetshwayo, White urged British accommodation, lest continued instability lead to yet another imperial war in South Africa , something a government stretched thin by engagements in Egypt and Ireland could not possibly consider.
The British press meticulously reported upon the movements of the king during his month long visit to London. At every stop, from meeting Parliament to viewing naval installations, Cetshwayo found himself quizzed as to his thoughts on the House of Commons, the royal family, English military might, and a myriad of other aspects of metropolitan life.
His responses were frequently circumspect, limited not only through the difficulties of translation but also as a result of attempting to project a kingly dignity while simultaneously attempting to convince an ostensibly magnanimous imperial government to restore his position. While journalists freely wrote of Cetshwayo as a native king overawed by the ostensible technological and social wonders of London, these observations also carried within them profound criticisms of the empire.
Caractacus, like the Iceni queen Boudicca, offered a frequent source of nationalist pride for British observers in the nineteenth century.
Many contemporary British readers would have been familiar with the story of both his defeat at the hands of a Roman invasion under Claudius, and his subsequent life-saving eloquence before the Senate after being led through a triumphal procession in the capital.
To cast Cetshwayo in the role of the popular nationalist hero was both a provocative and powerful choice that revealed the ambivalences the British press felt toward the Zulu war and possibly the imperial project in southern Africa more generally. Depicting the Zulu king as the defeated Briton allowed the British to imagine themselves as a powerful and magnanimous imperial Rome , particularly in their generous hosting of Cetshwayo in Yet, it also opened questions of the legitimacy of the war and colonial control over Zululand.
Certainly, the notion of imperial conquerors impressed by the resilience and martial prowess of the tribesman fighting for his homeland would flatter the metropolitan British observer, particularly the idea that the empire is rendered more valiant in having defeated a worthy foe.
Still, the inherent criticism of imperial rapacity provides an unfavorable assessment of the very nature of the conquest. Significantly, Caractacus is very specifically a British hero; to place the Zulu king in such a place is to de-center the familiar norms of hero and villain, protagonist and antagonist.
To depict Cetshwayo amid the gardens of Kensington or the imperial splendor of the royal family thus provides a substantial challenge to the narrative of British moral superiority and victory—it simultaneously reaffirms the martial skills of the Zulu warriors while undermining the implied greater power of the British in conquering them.
By aligning Cetshwayo with Caractacus, British press writers did more than make a well-known classical allusion. They also subverted raced and gendered orders of empire by casting the British conquest as the product of an unrestrained and therefore unmanly display of avarice and undercut the racial difference between colonizer and colonized by making the ostensibly barbarous African a stand-in for their own valiant national ancestors. The description of Cetshwayo as a rude barbarian, a continuation of earlier press depictions of the king prior to and steeped generally in firmly racialized discourses of white supremacy, shifted slightly during his visit but never faded entirely from the surface of press reporting.
Indeed, images of Cetshwayo in popular metropolitan media operated within pre-established tropes of comic black savagery; the picture in Fun was published in London on 3 August —the very day that the monarch arrived in London. Arguably, then, Cetshwayo was simply slotted into this image before his very arrival.
The titular poem rendered Cetshwayo fully within a global stereotype of black minstrelsy, speaking with a broad, stereotypical black accent:. Cetewayo and John Bull C: How de do, sah? In addition to the casual racism, the piece presents a fascinating tableau for a metropolitan audience. While Cetshwayo is rendered idiotic and wheedling, the ultimate aims of the visit are made quite clear: the Zulu king has arrived to request restoration, something quite inconvenient to an overstretched British imperial state at present.
The conversation is, therefore, offered as an admission of imperial limits—resources currently overcommitted to other global affairs—as affecting the decisions of British policy. Even while reporting on the successful media tour of an African potentate, the editors at Fun depicted the king in stereotypical imagery that signified a larger sense of black male buffoonery.
Yet these minstrel-like images of Cetshwayo offer more than simple racist depictions of a foreign leader. They reveal a long-extant history of depictions of blackness within the British metropole that would have been immediately familiar to a contemporary reader of periodicals. Indeed, Charles Dickens complained at length about a performance of Zulu dancers he attended in London in Qureshi — The proliferation of both images, particularly the minstrel, represented a larger shift in depictions of black peoples in metropolitan Britain: from empathetic catalysts for political movements like abolition to figures of entertainment or comic relief.
One of the features of minstrel comedy was the imitation of the mannerisms of the wealthy and the well-connected. While this is undoubtedly true, these were not the sole images offered of Cetshwayo to a British reading public. Papers took pains to express the physical appearance of the king, particularly his quiet dignity and European dress Codell — Cetshwayo also received a caricature in the August issue of Vanity Fair and, like many important contemporaries, had a portrait taken by Alexander Bassano Figs.
These images offered another aspect of the king; clad in European clothing, he is at turns delighted, jovial, and dignified. Ultimately, depictions of the king vacillated between the prevailing popular stereotypes of minstrelsy and depictions of the king as a dignified royal personage on his visit to Queen Victoria.
As the British public discussed the various merits of restoring Cetshwayo, the Natal Legislature emphatically denounced any and all attempts to return Cetshwayo to authority as a pronounced threat to settler order and colonial sovereignty.
Recognizing the increasing popularity of the Zulu monarch in the British press, John Robinson attempted both a respectful tone towards Cetshwayo while denouncing his return as mischievous and threatening:.
I say nothing against Cetywayo himself. I think he is to be greatly admired in many respects. He has borne his captivity in a way which would do credit to any civilized sovereign.
I only desire that he shall be kept far apart from an opportunity of doing further mischief. If we look at the history of the world, we shall find that there are few instances of sending back conquered kings as vassal potentates. We know what happened after Elba , and we know that history has endless repetitions Natal [Colony], Debates of the Legislative Council As usual, J. Many in the Colonial Office viewed their role, the ostensible protectors of indigenous interests, as acting counter to the wishes of rapacious settlers, and refused to give way, much to settler fury.
Recognizing the anger of settlers in Natal at presumed British meddling, the satirical periodical Funny Folks neatly summed up the conflict between imperial government and settler state:.
Hitler's comic comeback sparks outrage in Germany
Finding your information. Winnipeggers returning to the Winnipeg Fringe Theatre Festival circuit can enjoy two distinctly Japanese shows that masterfully combine seriousness and silliness. Kusano, the mastermind of the one-woman show, has always been the funny girl — a role that has empowered and disempowered her growing up. After working gigs in the restaurant, acting and modelling industry, Kazu Kusano made a name for herself in the stand-up comedy scene. Kusano was born and raised in Japan. In her 30s, Kusano packed her bags and immigrated to the U.
Art of Animation: Human Imperfection with Chris Ullens
Three savage turn-of-the-century conflicts defined the milieu in which such rhetoric flourished: the Anglo-Boer War of — in South Africa; the U. Most viewers will probably agree that there is nothing really comparable in the contemporary world of political cartooning to the drafting skill and flamboyance of these single-panel graphics, which appeared in such popular periodicals as Puck and Judge. This early outburst of what we refer to today as clash-of-civilizations thinking did not go unchallenged, however. The turn of the century also witnessed emergence of articulate anti-imperialist voices worldwide—and this movement had its own powerful wing of incisive graphic artists. In often searing graphics, they challenged the complacent propagandists for Western expansion by addressing and illustrating a devastating question about the savage wars of peace. Who, they asked, was the real barbarian? This unit examines cartoons from the turn-of-the-century visual record that reference civilization and its nemesis—barbarism. Three overlapping turn-of-the-century conflicts in particular stirred the righteous rhetoric of the white imperialists. One was the second Boer War of — that pitted British forces against Dutch-speaking settlers in South Africa and their black supporters. The second was the U.
English to Zulu Meaning :: cartoon
It includes both South African originals and foreign imports that were dubbed into local languages. The Kushner-Locke Company. Universal Cable Productions. Paramount Television.
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It's probably difficult to imagine a time with no television, no movies, and no cartoons. But believe it or not, those times weren't so long ago! What did those kids do when they couldn't watch movies? One of the most popular toys during that time was a great-grandfather of the modern cartoon. This toy was called a "thaumatrope," and in this activity you're going to make and test your own thaumatrope to learn about how vision works!
When Jon Stewart stepped down as host in , I was sad to see him go. I was also worried for his replacement, Trevor Noah, a South African comedian. His comedy is so universal that it has the power to transcend borders. Born to a black South African mother and a white Swiss father in apartheid South Africa, he entered the world as a biracial child in a country where mixed race relationships were forbidden.
The rating is based on my opinion of playing Among Us and viewing others playing the game as well. The rating below is based on the game content. Online interactions will always increase the risk of unwanted content. Total Score — 16 out of 25 The higher the rating, the safer the game is for kids. Among Us is an online multiplayer game of social deduction, teamwork, and betrayal.
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