Best political cartoons of all time kz

In the last few hundred years, dark-skinned peoples have been likened to apes in an effort to dehumanize them and justify their oppression and exploitation. This is familiar to most Americans as something that is done peculiarly to Black people as examples, see here , here , and here. The history of U. The Irish, too, have been compared to apes, suggesting that this comparison is a generalizable tactic of oppression, not one inspired by the color of the skin of Africans. The Irish and the Black are compared as equally problematic to the North and the South respectively.

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Content:

• The “Borat” Sequel Is a Parable of Russian Interference in American Politics
• In Pursuit of Mind Modernization: What Ideological Work is Done by Kazakhstan?
• China aims to win Uighur ‘hearts and minds’ with concubine cartoon
• My Best 500 Comics Of All Time*
• A-Z to U.S. Elections
• Gallery of Cartoons by Galym Boranbayev From Kazakhstan
• The Bad Guys Are Winning
• A cartoonist captures the biodiversity of Assam

WATCH RELATED VIDEO: POLITICAL CARTOONS JAN 17 2021

The “Borat” Sequel Is a Parable of Russian Interference in American Politics

And he was not alone. Mark Twain defended the Boxers even saying he would have joined the group if he had been born Chinese and insisted that they were just trying to protect their own villages from foreign encroachment in a manner Americans should respect, yet some of his compatriots embraced the apocalyptic view of the German leader.

Newspapers on both sides of the Atlantic ran editorial cartoons that stoked Yellow Peril paranoia, p. The Yellow Peril myth continued throughout the first decades of the twentieth century, albeit sometimes with Japan rather than China represented as the aggressor. It spread in popular culture via books and movies, such as those featuring the diabolically cunning, Western-hating arch-villain Fu Manchu.

This idea gained purchase in the early s, when China produced its first atom bomb. Updating imagery used in s propaganda films that had represented China as one of the victims of Japanese plans for world domination, the film now depicted the PRC as seeking to first gain control of Africa and Latin America and then moving to take over the United States.

Getting the bomb was unquestionably important to China, but we now know that in the s the PRC was so beset by internal problems and border disputes with neighboring countries, such as the Soviet Union and India, that there was no real likelihood of its military threatening any distant land.

China did seek allies in the nonaligned states of the developing world, presenting itself as an alternative to the United States and the Soviet Union. Still, fears of a Red Menace were no more rooted in reality than were fears of the Yellow Peril. Proxy wars between the United States and communist countries did occur between the s and s. And there were p. But there was no serious Chinese plan for world domination then.

And there is none now. China has begun restructuring its military—both hardware and personnel—to emphasize technology and sophistication, rather than sheer size and brute force, its past markers of strength. The transformation of the PLA is not, however, just about having the ability to project force abroad. And, at least as significantly, the PRC also sees having a powerful military as crucial for maintaining control at home. It was the PLA, not a civilian police force, that carried out the June 4th crackdown, after all, and the government relies upon its army to deal with unrest in places such as Tibet and Xinjiang.

And although Beijing has not yet used military force to quell protests in Hong Kong, that is an ever-present p. For example, its residents would retain some of the rights and privileges they had enjoyed under British rule, including a high degree of freedom of expression.

The territory would also keep its independent judiciary. Both sides agreed that this arrangement would govern the relationship for fifty years—until —at which point Hong Kong would be fully integrated into the PRC. By the early s, however, Beijing was displaying impatience with the sense of independence Hong Kongers continued to exhibit.

Many things were possible in Hong Kong that were grounds for arrest only miles away: for example, the city staged a massive public vigil in memory of the victims every year on the anniversary of June 4th; authors published books on sensitive topics, including the allegedly shady backgrounds of some Chinese leaders; and protests spilled into the streets when citizens disagreed with the actions of their elected officials.

Rather than passively accept this move, as Beijing probably expected they would, the citizens of Hong Kong staged large-scale protests against the proposed curriculum. Taking to the streets, they p. After several weeks of protest, the government backed down, but tensions between Hong Kong and the mainland continued to simmer. The situation boiled over again in September , in a widespread protest movement originally known as Occupy Central and then called the Umbrella Movement.

Within days, the crowds had grown to fill the streets of both Central and the neighboring Admiralty district and brought the normally bustling area to a standstill. Another protest zone emerged in the vibrant Mong Kok neighborhood, on the other side of Victoria Harbour. Police attempted to drive back demonstrators in the Admiralty district by spraying them with tear gas; protesters protected their eyes by holding opened umbrellas in front of their faces, thus giving the movement its emblem.

Given the prominence of student activists in the Umbrella Movement, many people compared it to the Tiananmen p. The Umbrella Movement protests continued for more than two months before the demonstrators withdrew in mid-December, the occupation of Central fizzling out as the weeks passed and the government showed no willingness to compromise on its position.

The protesters did not achieve their goal of striking down the proposed election rules which have indeed been put into place. For example, in the fall of two young politicians who ran for and won election to the Legislative Council found themselves unseated by Beijing after they inserted anti-PRC language when taking their oaths of office.

On several occasions, PRC security officials have also taken the unprecedented step of going into Hong Kong to detain people there, then bringing them back across the border. In the summer of , three leaders of the Umbrella Movement, including Joshua Wong the best-known Hong Kong student activist , who had originally been sentenced to community service for civil disobedience actions, were given prison terms after the local authorities—presumably under pressure from Beijing—complained that their original punishment had been too soft.

All of these moves have caused p. While resistance goes on, the clock on the fifty-year Basic Law also continues to tick down. The relationship between Beijing and Taipei goes through occasional periods of warming, as well as periods of friction. For example, Nationalist president Ma Ying-jeou, who served from to , favored improved ties with Beijing and even met with Xi Jinping at a summit in Singapore.

Current president Tsai Ing-wen, on the other hand, who is from the Democratic Progressive Party DPP , opposes PRC influence in Taiwan, and Beijing has taken steps in response to this, including discouraging its citizens from vacationing on the island. In previous decades, especially in the s, some sort of armed conflict between the PRC and Taiwan appeared very possible.

Many factors, however, now make it extremely unlikely that the PRC will use military force to try to achieve the long-held goal of reunification.

The possibility of war cannot be discounted completely. There is always the p. There is very little likelihood of this happening, for several reasons. First, money and people move across the straits regularly and in ways that benefit both countries. In the s, many Taiwanese companies relocated their manufacturing facilities to mainland China, where labor costs were lower; today, there are over seventy thousand Taiwanese firms with operations in the PRC.

Mainland students study in Taiwan, and vice versa; and every year, more than ten thousand women from the PRC marry Taiwanese men. Second, the resistance that Beijing has encountered in its attempts to consolidate control over Hong Kong in the past several years would likely make PRC leaders wary of taking on another potentially troublesome entity. Like Hong Kongers, Taiwanese citizens have grown to expect democracy and freedom of expression although these were only implemented after the lifting of martial law on the island in and will not hesitate to protest if they perceive their rights have been curtailed.

In the spring of , students angry with a Taiwan—PRC trade agreement that they felt was too favorable to the mainland stormed the main parliamentary chamber in Taipei, which they occupied for twenty-four days.

For symbolic purposes, however, they refuse to give up on One China, and insist that the United States and other countries accept this fiction as a basis for diplomatic relations. A clear reminder of just how seriously Beijing continues to take this idea came at the start of Donald J.

Just before taking office, Trump stated in a television interview that the One China policy should be up for negotiation, suggesting that as president he would only accept it if Beijing made concessions on other issues. By the end of his first post-inauguration phone conversation with Xi Jinping, though, both sides had reaffirmed that the One China principle would continue to serve as a basis for PRC—US diplomacy.

It is a sign of just how much the PRC and its place in the world have changed in recent times, though, that such questions as this seem reasonable.

In the late s, Mao had boasted that the utopian Great Leap Forward would allow the country to catch up with the West quickly in metrics of development, such as amounts of steel produced. Very few people outside of the country, though, took these assertions seriously.

By the early s, with the Great Leap clearly a failure, it would have seemed nothing short of ridiculous to consider that, in a mere half century, the PRC could move to the top ranks of economic powers. Had outsiders known the full extent of the horrific famine underway, they would have been p.

The most that was expected was that it would go from a fairly poor developing country to an only somewhat impoverished one. In contrast to today, when the PRC sometimes exports food to famine-stricken countries, the question then was whether China would be able to feed its own population.

Today only the United States stands higher in terms of gross domestic product. The long series of years of high—even double-digit—growth rates that China experienced just before and after the turn of the millennium changed it from a poor country to one that, while not rich per capita income is still far behind that of developed countries , has enough wealth to help other countries when they are hit by disasters.

It remains unlikely that China will surge far ahead of the United States as an economic power in the foreseeable future when measured in GDP, though likely that it will edge past it. It is much more unlikely that China will by that point have a population as well off in terms of per capita income, as by that metric the PRC is still a fairly poor country, just not nearly as poor as it was two or three decades ago.

China circa was a country that seemed very likely to remain largely rural forever. This is because the CCP had developed rigid and elaborate social-welfare and social-control mechanisms to keep the rural-to-urban movement of p.

Such movement had been common between the late s and s, when the population of cities such as Shanghai swelled into the millions, and it is happening again. Over million internal migrants have headed into Chinese cities seeking work, 6 making China the site of the largest voluntary migration in the history of the world. The main obstacle to villagers relocating to cities during the Mao years was the hukou, or household registration system, which tied state-provided benefits, such as rations, healthcare, and education, to the locale in which one was born.

Only in rare instances did individuals receive permission to move, except for betrothed women, who often switched households when they married. Those born into farming families had no choice but to work the land throughout their lives and have children who remained in their village. This is no longer the case. Subsequent rounds of hukou reform—though not a complete dismantling of the system—have enabled even more urban migration.

There are limits to this migration, most notably regulations that keep migrant children out of public schools in those cities the government designates as first-tier such as Beijing and Shanghai. Employment-driven migration, however, is not the only reason China is becoming a country of cities.

The government is actively promoting urbanization below the first tier, creating hundreds of third- and fourth-tier cities, which officials hope will become sites of efficiency, innovation, consumption—and profit. Local governments requisition farmland surrounding existing small urban centers, then turn around and sell that land to developers, netting enormous sums. The former farmers are transformed into urban residents—though this exchange does not always proceed without incident.

The census reported that China already had dozens of urban centers with more than one million residents. Today, there are at least one hundred and sixty cities with populations of a million or more, and eight of those are megacities with ten million-plus residents. Some of these cities, such as Shenzhen—a southern metropolis that was among the first special economic zones in which joint-venture enterprises that brought Chinese and foreign investors together are governed by looser rules than state-run companies—had been mere clusters of villages and towns just a decade or so earlier.

Some bet on the Internet: both conservative pundit George Will and former President Bill Clinton, who disagree about so many things, went on record around the turn of the millennium predicting that once new media took hold in China a new form of politics would inevitably follow.

Others put their faith in a rising middle class, citing p. One reason for this is that the CCP has worked tirelessly to learn how to avoid precisely such scenarios.

Before Xi Jinping came to power in , many observers thought that while democracy might be a remote possibility for China, some political reforms might at least occur on his watch.

Prior to his taking office, outsiders knew very little about Xi, aside from the fact that he came from a princeling family; that, after a stint in the countryside during the Cultural Revolution, he worked his way up the CCP hierarchy largely by playing it safe; and that, in the s, his father had taken stances in favor of greater liberalization. Those early hopes have been dashed. As we have mentioned elsewhere, Xi has also overseen a dramatic crackdown on civil society and tightening of censorship.

That no longer appears likely, and PRC politics have now clearly shifted away not only from democracy but from what now look to be the golden years of the mids, when controls on legal activism and artistic expression relaxed at least a little bit.

At the Nineteenth Party Congress in the fall of , Xi was appointed to his second five-year term as president, with no clear successor waiting in the wings. Rumors abound that Xi is planning to remain in power after his term ends in China does have a two-term limit on its presidency, but Xi could abolish that.

He could break with the tradition of recent decades and give up the presidency but stay on as party secretary. Even if Xi does leave all his formal positions in , it seems likely that he will continue to exercise power behind the scenes in the manner of Deng or Jiang Zemin, rather than fade away into retirement as Hu Jintao has done. The assumption is that patriotic fervor serves to prop up the official status quo and is a force that the authorities can turn on and off like a tap.

In Pursuit of Mind Modernization: What Ideological Work is Done by Kazakhstan?

This year Kazakhstan is going to celebrate several milestone anniversaries that carry an ideological component: the th anniversary of the birth of the great poet and philosopher Abay Kunanbayev, the th anniversary of the outstanding oriental thinker Abu Nasr al-Farabi and the th anniversary of the Golden Horde. These events are aimed primarily at the young generation of Kazakhstan, which, in addition to numerous ethnic groups, is quite diverse in composition. Some of the young people are more traditional, some are looking westward, others are immersed in religious movements that have never been practiced in Kazakhstan before. Consequently, what unites all these people, and what ideological work is being carried out in the context of national identity formation?

China aims to win Uighur ‘hearts and minds’ with concubine cartoon

Your purchase helps support NPR programming. Through his many New Yorker covers, Barry Blitt has become one of the pre-eminent satirical cartoonists of America's recent presidents. He is probably best known for his controversial cover of Michelle and Barack Obama, dressed as a Muslim and a militant with an AK, fist-bumping in the Oval Office. Other famous covers include his depiction of President George W. Bush and Cabinet partially submerged in Hurricane Katrina floodwaters and a illustration of President Obama trying unsuccessfully to walk on water. Now Blitt has trained his eye and pen on the nation's first president in a new children's book, George Washington's Birthday. The book, written by Margaret McNamara and illustrated by Blitt, follows young George about his normal day: chopping down a cherry tree, fording a creek — and worrying that his family has forgotten his 7th birthday. He bears no resemblance to the severe and great man that we know him as, and he's young and he wants people to recognize his birthday. And he learns some important lessons on dwelling on stuff like that.

My Best 500 Comics Of All Time*

More than 2 billion people have gained access to improved water sources and 1. This is good news. But the world needs these improvements to happen on a much larger scale and at a much faster pace. Today, 2. In fact, more people today have access to a mobile phone than to a clean toilet.

A-Z to U.S. Elections

Editor: R. Muzafarov Artist of the book L. Solodovichenko Creative Designer: A. Pimenova Multilingual edition: A. Kainazarova Kazakh language , M.

Gallery of Cartoons by Galym Boranbayev From Kazakhstan

Here are some selected glossary and facts about the U. Presidential Elections, in alphabetical order:. Absentee voting allows voters who cannot come to polling places to cast their ballots. A variety of circumstances, including residency abroad, illness, travel or military service, can prevent voters from coming to the polls on Election Day. Absentee ballots permit registered voters to mail in their votes. The Uniformed and Overseas Citizens Absentee Voting Act, a federal law, governs absentee voting in presidential elections. Absentee voting rules for all other elections are set by the states, and vary. In Oregon, all elections are conducted by mail, but voters have the option of voting in person at county polling stations.

The Bad Guys Are Winning

So she made the short hop from her village in the windswept Kazakhstan countryside into her native China to care for him. Upon arrival in the western province of Xinjiang, however, she was arrested, for no given reason. No charges were ever brought, but she spent the next 15 months being ferried between five different prison camps with barbed wire and watchtowers, during which she was interrogated 19 times and tortured with electric batons.

A cartoonist captures the biodiversity of Assam

RELATED VIDEO: Political Cartoons

Ranking things is an inherently stupid idea. I mean, if you're going to take it very seriously, it is. By this point we're all aware that these things are subjective and susceptible to biases, personal histories, tastes, and a slight flux in the barometer. There's little objective in art appreciation. In the micro, at least. In the macro, we can with some confidence say things like Jack Kirby was a better artist than Stan Lee or Moby Dick is a better novel than Twilight.

After moving north of New York City, Donnelly felt disconnected from the rest of the world, and used the internet as a way to stay connected. In , she gave a TED Talk about feminism by combining her message with her cartoons. She realized putting those two elements together, in a place where they can be found on the internet, were a very powerful way for her voice to be heard. This was when tech began playing a role in her drawing process. She experimented with the iPad Pro and Wacom tablet as she transitioned from paper to screen.

For the second year in a row, the Covid pandemic has dominated world affairs and private lives. As in , Swiss cartoonists drew inspiration for their work from the public health crisis. Here is a look back at some of the best drawings of the year.