One piece 697 reaction


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The new PMC design is here! Learn more about navigating our updated article layout. The PMC legacy view will also be available for a limited time. Federal government websites often end in. The site is secure. Using multiple computer-assisted content analytic approaches, we find that newspaper coverage is highly politicized, network news coverage somewhat less so, and both newspaper and network news coverage are highly polarized.

We find that politicians appear in newspaper coverage more frequently than scientists, whereas politicians and scientists are more equally featured in network news.

We suggest that the high degree of politicization and polarization in initial COVID coverage may have contributed to polarization in U. COVID attitudes. The infection rate and death toll have been substantial; by the end of May , at least 6 million people had been infected and at least , had died globally Beaumont et al.

Many of the infections have been concentrated in the United States, with at least 1. While COVID poses a significant risk, political responses and public perceptions in the United States have been divided across political ideological lines Milligan, ; Roberts, This raises questions about the role that both politicians and the media have played in amplifying politicization and polarization of COVID, as this kind of news coverage can influence public attitudes in ways that exacerbate partisan divides Bolsen et al.

Though research to date has not examined politicization and polarization in COVID news coverage, recent research by Chinn et al. We draw on this approach in the present study, which uses both dictionary and unsupervised machine learning methods to investigate the degree to which newspaper and network news coverage of COVID was polarized and politicized during the first 3 months of heightened news coverage March, April, and May In addition, the public is polarized on perceptions of scientists and actions to respond to the pandemic.

While in Democrats had greater confidence than Republicans that both medical scientists and scientists in general would act in the best interests of the public, this difference dramatically widened in April , especially with respect to medical scientists, as Democratic confidence increased while Republican confidence remained flat Funk et al.

With regard to protective actions, a minority of Republicans, compared to a majority of Democrats, felt that social distancing was helping a lot to slow the spread of coronavirus, that there was insufficient testing for coronavirus, and that more people needed to follow social distancing guidelines Funk et al. These partisan differences in public opinion correlate with observed behavioral differences.

Analyses using GPS data from smartphones found that areas with more Republicans exhibited less social distancing than those with more Democrats Allcott et al.

Right-wing media outlets were more likely to spread misinformation about COVID in the beginning of the outbreak, and more frequent viewers of conservative media outlets were more likely to be misinformed about COVID Motta et al.

Given these trends in partisan messaging, a critical question is the degree to which mainstream news outlets amplified the voices of political actors in COVID coverage, as well as the extent to which language in news coverage highlighted partisan differences when discussing Republican and Democratic actors.

The current study speaks to these issues by investigating the degree to which mainstream newspaper and network TV news coverage on COVID was politicized and polarized between March and May Politicization in news coverage of an issue refers to the prominence of political actors in coverage Bolsen et al.

An issue may become politicized for a number of reasons, and politicization is not inherently negative. For example, coverage of politicians coming together to address a social risk is likely to be highly politicized. But biases in newsroom norms and the desire to draw audience attention to a story can also lead to greater politicization of content. Journalists often use personalized stories focusing on arguments between competing actors to highlight conflict and dramatize issues Bennett et al.

Personalized, dramatic coverage often features leading politicians who serve as representatives of competing political camps Bennett et al. This kind of politicized coverage can influence public views, such that individuals may rely on political leaders more than on scientists when forming impressions of an issue Bolsen et al.

For science and risk issues, such as COVID, it is therefore beneficial to examine the degree to which both politicians and scientists are featured in news in order to determine how much emphasis is placed on scientific and political perspectives Chinn et al. A high degree of politicization may be more troubling when coverage is also highly polarized, that is, highly differentiated along partisan lines. For a novel issue, such as a new pandemic, the news media is typically the primary way the public learns about the issue Kasperson et al.

When such coverage is both highly politicized and polarized, motivated reasoning Taber et al. That is, when media coverage is polarized, members of the public are likely to form opinions in line with political elites they trust and reject information not aligned with this view, even if the information comes from experts Druckman et al.

Thus, the degree to which media coverage of pandemics, like COVID, is both politicized and polarized is a critical research question. While a number of studies have looked at various factors of how news media cover pandemics Dudo et al. Thus, our investigation of politicization and polarization makes a novel contribution to the study of media coverage of pandemics and is important for understanding a likely factor contributing to the rapid polarization around COVID in the United States.

In sum, media coverage plays a critical role in shaping public opinion around emerging science and risk issues, and the degree of politicization and polarization of such news coverage may be important and influential factors. In the present study, we examine the degree to which newspaper and network news coverage of COVID between March and May was politicized and polarized, as well as the frequency with which political actors were represented in news stories compared to scientists.

These data were collected from Lexis-Nexis. This initial database includes 36, stories. We accordingly focus on coverage from March 1 until May 26, the day after George Floyd was killed and consequently the point at which news content shifts to other pressing issues. As mentioned above, we focused on stories with substantive coverage, for the analyses presented here we drew on only the 6, stories in the database that mention COVID at least three times.

The selection of articles and all subsequent analyses were conducted using the quanteda package in R Benoit et al. As different methods were used for the politicization and polarization analyses, for clarity we first discuss the methods and results for politicization and then present the methods and results for polarization. Chinn et al. In the limited time scale of the present analysis March-May , there is likely to be more consistency in named political actors.

This affords the opportunity to build from the general dictionaries used by Chinn et al. Table 1 shows Democrat and Republican dictionaries separately; note that they are combined for this analysis.

Words in brackets make up the general dictionary developed by Chinn et al. The targeted dictionary includes these words and adds the additional words listed by category. Using the raw count of politicians allows us to efficiently measure politicization in large data sets, but it is important to note that not all aspects of politicization are captured. For example, some actors, including political activists, are not captured by the dictionary.

In addition, journalistic choices that may have political implications, such as how an issue is framed, are not captured. Finally, while we have included the names of prominent politicians in the analysis, the analysis will also fail to capture mentions of less prominent political actors. In addition to our measure of politicization, which captures the presence or absence of political actors, we examine the frequency with which scientists are mentioned in COVID news stories. While a story may be politicized regardless of the presence or absence of scientists, the comparison of how often partisan actors and scientists are mentioned provides an indication of the degree to which news articles are focusing on scientific, as compared to political, aspects of an issue.

As with the measure of politicization, we built from the general scientist dictionary developed by Chinn et al. For the sake of comparison, we ran politicization analyses using both the general dictionaries developed by Chinn et al.

Turning first to newspaper coverage, results using the targeted dictionaries are shown in the top panel of Figure 1 ; results using the general dictionaries are show in the bottom panel.

Both suggest a similar pattern in newspaper coverage. Politicization increased substantially between March 6 and 13 and then remained elevated, albeit with some variation, through the end of May Both the general and targeted versions of the dictionaries also show that politicians received more mentions than scientists after mid-March.

Lines represent centered 5-day moving averages. Dots represent actual data points for each day. The black lines and dots represent mentions of politicians and the grey lines and dots represent mentions of scientists. The use of the general dictionary allows us to directly compare politicization in newspaper coverage of COVID and politicization of newspaper coverage of global warming, analyzed by Chinn et al.

Note also that while global warming news coverage became gradually more politicized over many years see Chinn et al. The pattern of politicization is different when looking at network news coverage see Figure 2. Neither the general nor the targeted dictionaries reveal a March increase in politicization.

Rather, they show a somewhat consistent low level of politicization. When comparing the frequency of politician mentions to scientist mentions in network news coverage, the general dictionary reveals that politicians and scientists are mentioned at about the same rate, whereas the targeted dictionary finds more mentions of scientists than politicians in network news coverage.

We measure polarization using a similar approach as adopted by Chinn et al. Wordfish estimates the likelihood of word mentions in each document relative to their frequency in other documents, and then assigns weights to words based on the degree to which those words distinguish documents across a single latent dimension, estimated through an iterative expectation-maximization algorithm. The Wordfish procedure assigns each document a score on the latent dimension, and the degree to which those scores are correlated with partisanship is the measure of polarization that we focus on here.

This measure quantitatively describes similarities or differences in the language surrounding Republican and Democrat mentions in COVID articles. Once positions scores on the latent dimension were assigned by Wordfish to each document, we averaged the scores of all Republican documents and all Democrat documents, by month.

To be clear: The dimension identified by Wordfish is an undefined latent dimension based on the language used in all documents, and the correlation between this dimension and partisanship indicates the degree to which the language surrounding Democratic mentions is different from the language surrounding Republican mentions. We separated newspaper and television documents for monthly analyses. Figure 3 shows the estimated difference in Wordfish-estimated scores between Democratic and Republican mentions in COVID coverage for newspaper and television.

Estimates are significantly different from zero in every case standard errors are shown as grey bars in Figure 3 , suggesting marked differences in the language used surrounding Democratic and Republican mentions in COVID coverage between March and May There are not significant differences in polarization from one month to the next nor between newspapers and television.

Results in Figure 3 make clear that there are consistent differences in the language surrounding party mentions in news content. These differences appear to have been in evidence right from the start of the pandemic. It is therefore of substantive interest to identify the language that is driving the estimates in Figure 3. The comparison cloud in the left panel shows results using the data using for Figure 3.

The cloud on the right replicates the analysis using data that additionally strips out last names, titles e. Font size indicates both word frequency and the association of a word with the party—larger words are used more and are more distinctive to the party they are associated with.

A Including names, titles, and places; B Excluding names, titles, and places. Black words in the bottom half of the comparison clouds are those most closely associated with Republicans and grey words in the top half are most closely associated with Democrats.

The size of the words indicates both the frequency of use and distinctiveness of the word with the affiliated party. The clouds make relatively clear that differences in language surrounding Republican and Democratic mentions are not clearly a function of markedly different discussions of policy and outcomes.

Rather, the left cloud in Figure 4 highlights the degree to which polarization results in Figure 3 are driven by 1 national-level Republican actors versus 2 state- and local-level Democratic actors. That is, polarization in news stories about COVID is most in evidence through the representation of dueling levels of government. This is not to say that partisans did not have very different perspectives on COVID concerns and policy, just that these are not the most prominent features of language differences between the two parties.

Policy differences are slightly more evident in the right panel of Figure 4. These results suggest that Republican coverage is distinguished by language associated with federal responses to the novel coronavirus, alongside factors such as the need for a vaccine, China, and the ultimately untrue potential for hydroxychloroquine as a cure. Democratic coverage is distinguished by responses from Democratic governors, especially in New York and California; impacts on hospitals and residents; and consequences for the ongoing Democratic primaries.


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While we've done our best to make the core functionality of this site accessible without javascript, it will work better with it enabled. Please consider turning it on! Remember Me. The skin there was no longer just his normal sun kissed brown, now a dark purple Whitebeard mark was tattooed proudly upon the skin. It just wasn't the same who left me. Usopp is a Whitebeard pirate and gets the chance to tell Yasopp everything he has been holding in.

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Oden heads straight for the Flower Capital, intent on revenge. Oden is full of rage at the treatment of his family and his homeland, and seeks to confront Orochi directly. He attempts to slay Orochi but one of the shogun's subordinates creates a barrier around him, protecting Orochi from Oden's wrath. Undeterred, Oden demands that Orochi relinquish the throne he is sitting in, as Oden has returned to take his rightful place. It is in this moment that Orochi reveals he is no mere warden of the throne - Oden's father named him the shogun in truth, thanks to the shapeshifting abilities of his associates. In addition, Orochi reveals that his family suffered greatly under the Kozuki clan. Orochi says that he will spare the people of Wano from his wrath if Oden plays the fool and embarrasses himself daily. Oden begrudgingly agrees. The people of Wano, at first excited to see Oden's return to liberate them, now look on in horror as Oden prances about and sings silly songs while they suffer under Orochi's rule. He becomes a figure of disdain, with parents telling their children not to grow up to be like him, and a dark time begins for Wano.

Usopp unlocks observation Haki🔥 Reaction Mashup!! | One Piece Episode 697

one piece 697 reaction

Vi ricordo inoltre che i commenti ed altro non si postano in questo topic. Qui vanno solo gli spoiler. Non fatevi bannare. User deleted. Chapter - Doflamingo appears!

It features episodes, which makes this the second longest season of the whole anime.

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Politicization and Polarization in COVID-19 News Coverage

Ah yes, the one where Maggie calls Roger by the name of Edward. That element helped me out quite a bit. As to why Barnabas would be more concerned about "helping a monster" than "protecting its victim"? That's rather a straight-forward consideration: Reach the source of a problem, where it's coming from. If you find the source you can often eliminate all manner of problems coming from it. I think you are right in part, though I also believe that Barnabas is interested in helping a fellow monster because he knows what it's like to be cursed, as well as have a champion to help him find a cure. Now he's paying it forward.

successfully applied to a salt-forming reaction. The flow into a T-piece, the output of which was fed into the reactor by a.

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The new PMC design is here! Learn more about navigating our updated article layout. The PMC legacy view will also be available for a limited time. Federal government websites often end in. The site is secure. Using multiple computer-assisted content analytic approaches, we find that newspaper coverage is highly politicized, network news coverage somewhat less so, and both newspaper and network news coverage are highly polarized.

Mark Meadows Sides With Trump on Coverage of His Book: ‘Fake News’

Strawhats in disguises! And my goodness, is that a tournament I smell?! Firstly, Law, wow so he managed to piss Doflamingo off to that extent, to the point where it changed colour. I wonder what would have happened if Law referred to Doflamingo as Mango like Luffy does — would him raging manage to snap his glasses?

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